| The new realities of world economic power and the effects of the current 
        global crisis on international trade are circumstances which highlight 
        the importance of a key issue, both within the scope of the World Trade 
        Organization (WTO) as well as within the regional scope of Mercosur. This 
        relevance is emphasized by the fact that both constitute international 
        ambits with a strong bearing on the development of Argentine foreign trade.
 The issue being referred to is that of the relation between the requirements 
        for adaptability and flexibility of trade regulations and economic integration 
        and the essential collective disciplines to guarantee every player - be 
        they countries or businesses - the necessary degree of predictability. 
        Due to its relevance, this topic has been discussed in previous editions 
        of this Newsletter (see June 2007 and August 2008 editions). 
 In the case of Mercosur in particular, it becomes an indispensable issue 
        for the creation of the required environment for productive investment 
        in compliance with an expanded market. In fact, a low degree of certainty 
        in the rules of play as a consequence, for example, of the tendency towards 
        a de facto malleability of the agreed commitments when an economic emergency 
        arises, is likely to cause a decline in the investment plans to expand 
        or create new production capacity in those markets with less relative 
        economic weight. To make provisions for the continuous adaptation to new 
        realities and the necessary flexibility to face contingencies, becomes 
        then an essential requisite for the efficiency of the ground rules originated 
        by international trade agreements and for the work methods implemented 
        in their respective institutions and decision-making processes. 
 Otherwise, the dynamics of the deep transformations and the recurring 
        crises, either global or regional -such as the current ones- may alter 
        the balance of the national interests which uphold each agreement and 
        their regulatory frameworks. Such balance is at the root of the respective 
        agreements and would account for their origin and ground rules. In short, 
        the principle of reciprocity of rights and obligations, which is at the 
        foundation of the legal architecture of the Asuncion Treaty (Article 2), 
        may be eroded. As a consequence, this erosion may have obvious legal and 
        practical implications. 
 It has been rightfully pointed out that the associative link between 
        nations which are willing to cooperate in the area of international trade 
        or through the integration of their economies, is supported by the reciprocity 
        of interests which envisages mutual gains for those involved. To maintain 
        a dynamic balance through time is the key to the success of these international 
        agreements. On the contrary, the disruption of the necessary balance results 
        in a gradual but persistent erosion of the efficiency and social legitimacy 
        of the corresponding institutional ambits. 
 It should also be noted that Mercosur currently suffers from a condition 
        of growing deterioration. Its precarious ground rules and the constant 
        breaches have contributed to this situation. Nobody has expressed this 
        in a clearer way than José Mujica, the presidential candidate from 
        the Frente Amplio party in Uruguay, who pointed out that "Mercosur 
        is lame and in misery". This is not an isolated opinion even though 
        it is seldom expressed in such a candid manner. The fact that the recent Asuncion Summit and, especially, the Common 
        Market Council Meeting failed to obtain significant results -in particular 
        in relation to the issue of developing the customs union- (see the information 
        on the approved decisions on www.mercosur.int), leads us to ponder on 
        the future of regional integration in the light of the new international 
        realities. However, not all the experience accumulated by Mercosur turned out to 
        be negative. Both in the political and economic planes there are concrete 
        results that neither countries nor businesses would be willing to give 
        up. Yet, in spite of this fact, the prevailing feeling is that of frustration. 
        This could be the counterpart of the propensity towards narratives that 
        give rise to high expectations. The excess of media and special effects 
        diplomacy can lead, sooner than later, to feelings of failure when the 
        actual outcome is compared with the promises that had been made.  Referring back to Mujica's statement, we may conclude that the new international 
        reality does not allow any margin for wasted opportunities and, in this 
        sense, Mercosur -as the space for joint work between countries and businesses 
        of the region- can not afford to continue "lame and in misery". 
        Such as was pointed out in our previous Newsletter, in order to overcome 
        this state of affairs it might be useful to get acquainted with the proposals 
        from those who, at present time, actively participate in the commercial 
        exchange and in the productive investments that take place within this 
        common space, oftentimes due to the commitments previously assumed by 
        countries.  The opinion of businessmen on regional integration in the new international 
        scenario was one of the issues recently discussed at the II Industrial 
        Colloquium of Cordoba, held on July 27th and 28th, and whose main topic 
        was "The industrial model required by Argentina in the forthcoming 
        years" (for information on the Colloquium and the corresponding presentations 
        go to http://www.uic.org.ar/pagina.asp?id=1080). 
       It should be noted that the abovementioned process of deterioration may 
        happen in the case of the WTO as well. Even when today this idea may seem 
        remote, it would be dangerous to underestimate such possibility. Thereof 
        the importance of ensuring the success of the next Ministerial Conference, 
        to be held in Geneva at the end of November, and the progress in the conclusion 
        of the Doha Round. The upcoming informal ministerial meeting, to be held 
        on September 3rd and 4th in New Delhi and where thirty-six WTO member 
        countries have been invited to participate, as well as the G20 Summit, 
        which will take place in Pittsburg, Pennsylvania on September 24th and 
        25th (see http://www.pittsburghsummit.gov/), 
        will provide the opportunity to assess if there is sufficient political 
        willingness to overcome the ongoing obstacles in order to achieve the 
        goal announced at the L'Aquila G8 Summit, which took place last July, 
        of concluding an ambitious and balanced Doha Round by 2010.  Within the WTO system, the previously mentioned dialectic tension between 
        realities and regulations is made manifest particularly in two situations. 
        One of them refers to the transformations resulting from the shift of 
        relative economic power between the member countries of a trade agreement, 
        which may take years to become evident but, once they do, they alter the 
        maps of international economic competition and trade negotiations. This 
        is what is happening now at the global level with the visible re-emergence 
        of China and India as relevant players in world trade, a condition that 
        has also been achieved by other emerging economies. The fact is that WTO 
        regulations and work methods were designed for a world that is rapidly 
        disappearing. The same can be said in the case of Mercosur, given the 
        changes that the world and the region have experienced since the time 
        of its creation (on this subject, refer to the October 2008 edition of 
        this Newsletter). 
 The other situation shows up during periods of economic crisis, either 
        internal or international. During such periods one or more member countries 
        of a trade agreement need to adopt defensive measures to protect their 
        interests, which can eventually clash with the rules currently in use. 
        
 The insufficient safety valves in the corresponding agreement -such the 
        case of the WTO- or the complete lack thereof -such the case of Mercosur 
        (these are only contemplated at the bilateral level between Argentina 
        and Brazil, with the so-called mechanism of competitive adaptation, or 
        MAC, which is still not in effect)- may then lead to situations of blatant 
        contradiction between the emergency measures adopted and the international 
        commitments undertaken. Even in such situations, if the emergency measures 
        employed by member countries are numerous, it is probable that the mechanisms 
        for the settlement of disputes are rendered useless. Thence, the soundness 
        of the choice of the main topic of the recent WTO report on world trade 
        (see the reference in the Recommended Readings Section). In its foreword, 
        Director General Pascal Lamy pointed out that "The choice of topic 
        for this year's World Trade Report is highly relevant to the challenge 
        of ensuring that the channels of trade remain open in the face of economic 
        adversity. Well-balanced contingency measures, designed primarily to deal 
        with a variety of unanticipated market situations, are fundamental to 
        the effectiveness and stability of trade agreements. The Report explores 
        this proposition from a variety of angles".
 Specifically, the report discusses the issue of the necessary adaptability 
        of the agreed rules as "special measures" (the safeguards, anti-dumping 
        measures and countervailing duties, the renegotiation of tariff commitments, 
        the increase of tariffs to their maximum legal levels -binding- and the 
        use of export taxes) in order to contemplate the different contingences 
        originated in the evolution of the international economy. 
 The report leaves the reader wanting more. There are questions that would 
        be convenient to address in preparation for the upcoming November Ministerial 
        Conference. One that merits particular attention, considering the protectionist 
        tendency that can be observed, is the following: Are the safety valve 
        mechanisms foreseen by WTO rules sufficient enough given the effects of 
        the current global crisis, particularly on developing countries? The report 
        fails to mention other special measures that may be required to facilitate 
        strategies for the competitive insertion of developing countries in international 
        markets (such as those suggested by Dani Rodrik in his book "One 
        Economics Many Recipes", Princeton University Press, Princeton and 
        Oxford 2007). Certainly, the issue of the adaptation of the WTO system 
        to the new global realities, in view of the changes in relative power 
        between the main players in world trade, is not included among the objectives 
        of this report. 
 It would be necessary then to adapt the ground rules of international 
        trade to the new realties and grant them more flexibility to face contingencies, 
        in order to preserve the balance of the national interests which sustain 
        them. The WTO now holds an initial technical assessment, at least in regards 
        to the issue of flexibility. In addition, it has planned a forum in which 
        the countries will be able to debate how to approach these courses of 
        action. We are referring to the previously mentioned Ministerial Conference, 
        which will take place in Geneva at the end of November. Nothing similar 
        can be anticipated in the case of Mercosur. However, a thorough debate 
        on the adaptation and flexibility of its ground rules, not just limited 
        to the scope of governments, would seem essential in order to rescue an 
        integration project still imbued with a deep strategic significance.  |