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    | INNOVATIONS IN THE MULTILATERAL TRADE RULES Their adaptation to the challenging transition to a new global economic 
      order
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    | by Félix PeñaNovember 2012
 
 English translation: Isabel Romero Carranza
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    |    | The adaptation of the multilateral trade system to 
        the deep transformations of world power distribution and global economic 
        competition constitutes one of the major challenges of the international 
        agenda for the upcoming years. This adaptation seems all the more necessary 
        if we consider the current perception of many countries that, in great 
        measure, the existing rules and institutions reflect a reality in the 
        distribution of word power that is being rapidly surpassed. 
       Unlike the world in which the multilateral trade system 
        was born, first institutionalized in the GATT and later in the WTO, where 
        only few countries had the sufficient power to adopt decisions and create 
        rules that penetrated reality, the current one is much more diverse, complex 
        and dynamic. However, it seems difficult to imagine that in the short 
        term - or even in the mid term- it would be feasible to agree on re-founding 
        schemes that entail an in-depth revision of the WTO system, assuming that 
        this were eventually necessary. The difficulty to gather the sufficient 
        critical mass of world power required to create new institutions and ground 
        rules anticipates that the initiated transition will last some time before 
        a new stage of international order can begin. 
       A recent report by the OECD highlights the effects 
        of one of the factors behind the erosion of a system that originated in 
        the international realities resulting from the last World War. We are 
        referring to the significant changes that are taking place at a global 
        scale in the relative dimension of the different national economies. In 
        2011, China and India represented 24% of the world GDP measured in Purchasing 
        Power Parity. Projections for 2030 indicate that both countries will add 
        up to 39% of the world GDP and that by 2060 such participation would reach 
        46%. This means that they will have roughly a 50% share in world GDP, 
        the degree of participation that they had had for centuries until about 
        1820.
        
       Managing the effects on the world trading system that 
        may result from the complex transition to the future international economic 
        order is one of the challenges to be faced immediately. Among the relevant 
        issues that have an impact on the systemic deterioration that can be observed 
        there are two that deserve special attention. They refer to how WTO member 
        countries can address trade emergency measures that imply greater flexibility 
        than what is tolerated by the current rules and how to strengthen collective 
        disciplines on preferential trade agreements. 
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    |  There seems to be a certain consensus on the gradual erosion of the 
        multilateral trading system institutionalized by the World Trade Organization 
        (WTO) that could be the result, on the one hand, of the cumulative effects 
        of the standstill of the Doha Round and, on the other, of new initiatives 
        that would lead to accentuate the proliferation of preferential trade 
        agreements -such as the Transpacific Partnership (TPP)- and a Transatlantic 
        Association that would partner the European Union (EU) and the United 
        States in a free trade area. (See on this respect the speech by the Trade 
        Commissioner of the EU, Karel de Gucht, in Dublin on November 9 on http://trade.ec.europa.eu/)-. Due to the fragmentation effects on the institutional framework of world 
        trade said erosion may not only affect the transnational flows of goods, 
        services and productive investments but may have geopolitical connotations 
        as well. The debate surrounding the eventual geopolitical dimension of 
        the so-called TPP is a proof of this. If this were the case, it could 
        also affect the already compromised global governance in terms of the 
        prevalence of the conditions for peace and stability in the world and 
        in the different regions.  This is the reason why the adaptation of the multilateral trading system 
        to the profound transformations that are currently taking place in world 
        power and in global economic competition is regarded as one of the main 
        challenges for the international agenda of the upcoming years.  This adaptation is even more necessary if we consider the perception 
        that many countries have -especially the emerging or re-emerging protagonists, 
        depending on the historical perspective applied- that, in great measure, 
        the existing institutions and rules reflect a reality of world power that 
        is being rapidly overcome.  Unlike the world in which the multilateral trade system was born, institutionalized 
        first in the GATT and later in the WTO, where few countries had the sufficient 
        power to adopt decisions and generate rules that penetrated reality, the 
        present one is much more diverse, complex and dynamic. It is a world of 
        many clubs. However, there is not a dominant club such as the "oligarchic 
        condominium" referred to by some analysts in the sixties and seventies 
        during last century. In the context of the WTO, Pascal Lamy, the current Director-General, 
        has commissioned a group of high ranking experts to develop ideas and 
        proposals to meet the challenges of global trade in this century. (On 
        this regard, check the information on the WTO page referred to the panel 
        on defining the future of trade, on http://www.wto.org/). 
        Worthy initiatives may eventually emerge from this and similar exercises 
        carried out in multiple governmental and non-governmental ambits, including 
        those with a "multi-stakeholder" scope. However, it seems difficult to imagine that in the short term - or even 
        in the mid term- it would be feasible to agree on re-founding schemes 
        that entail an in-depth revision of the WTO system, assuming that this 
        were eventually advisable. The difficulty of bringing together the sufficient 
        critical mass of world power that is needed to create new institutions 
        and ground rules would indicate that the initiated transition will require 
        a long time before we can enter a new stage in international world order. 
        (On this regard, refer to the May 2012 issue of this newsletter on the 
        link http://www.felixpena.com.ar/). 
        Therefore, the idea of a metamorphosis, understood in the sense proposed 
        by Edgar Morin in his famous article entitled "In Praise of Metamorphosis" 
        (http://www.laissemoitedire.com/pages/quand-edgar-morin-fait-l-eloge-de-la-metamorphose--2371606.html) 
        would seem more advisable. This would imply opening a debate on the revision of some of the mechanisms 
        and instruments of the current multilateral world trading system that, 
        if introduced, could help improve their effectiveness, efficiency and 
        social legitimacy. At the very least, this could help stop the current 
        trend of gradual deterioration of these three systemic qualities that 
        are essential for those institutions and rules meant to last.  A recent report by the OECD (see the reference in the recommended reading 
        section of this newsletter) highlights the effects of one of the factors 
        behind the erosion of a system that originated in the international realities 
        resulting from the last World War. We are referring to the significant 
        changes that are taking place at a global scale in the relative dimension 
        of the different national economies. According to this report that examines 
        the trends of world economic growth in the next fifty years, the GDP of 
        China and India together will soon surpass that of the G7 countries and, 
        towards the year 2060, it will exceed that of all the current OECD members 
        combined. In 2011 China and India accounted for 24% of the world GDP measured 
        in Purchasing Power Parity (PPP). The projection for 2030 indicates that 
        both countries will accumulate 39% of world GDP and that in 2060 this 
        share would reach 46% (refer to pages 22 and 23 and Table 10 of the abovementioned 
        report). It is interesting to note that at the time of the creation of the GATT, 
        developed countries accounted for around 60% of global GDP and that when 
        the G7 was born in the 70's, its member countries accounted for around 
        45% of global GDP. In 1950 China and India represented approximately 8% 
        of global GDP, a percentage that remained quite stable in the 70's. The 
        current OECD projection would mean that China and India would again have 
        the degree of participation in global GDP that they had had for centuries, 
        until about the year 1820, which is roughly 50%. (These last percentages 
        are derived from data included in Table A.6: Share of World GDP, 20 Countries 
        and Regional Totals, I-2003AD from the book by Angus Maddison, "Contours 
        of the World Economy, I-2030AD. Essays in Macro-Economic History", 
        Oxford University Press, Oxford - New York 2007, page 381). Hence, there 
        is a natural tendency to regard both countries as "re-emerging" 
        economies. Managing the effects on the world trading system that may result from 
        the complex transition to the future international economic order is one 
        of the challenges to be faced immediately. More than re-foundational inclinations 
        it will require a great practicality to help resolve some of the weakest 
        points of the current system. In this regard, it would not seem advisable 
        to think of actions that meet ideological or theoretical approaches. A 
        sign of the times is precisely the speed at which many ideological and 
        theoretical concepts applied to trade relations are becoming obsolete. Among the relevant issues that have an impact on the systemic deterioration 
        that was mentioned before, there are two that deserve special attention. 
        First is the issue of how WTO member countries can address trade emergency 
        measures through safety valves that imply greater flexibility than what 
        is tolerated by the present rules. Second, how to strengthen collective 
        disciplines on preferential trade agreements to prevent them from contributing 
        towards a greater fragmentation of the multilateral world trading system 
        and even to its fracture.  Dani Rodrik, among others, has made some suggestions on how to achieve 
        a more flexible system of safety valves that allows developing countries 
        to address, under certain conditions, situations of economic emergency 
        that compromise their development goals. (See his proposals in his book 
        "The Globalization Paradox", W.W.Norton and Company, New York 
        2011, particularly page 252 onwards). It would imply, among other measures, 
        reforming the existing provisions of the WTO agreement on safeguards so 
        that developing countries can face with greater flexibility those situations 
        of economic and trade emergency that may temporarily affect their ability 
        to navigate globalization, including those arising from eventual exchange 
        rate fluctuations. Given the potential of preferential trade agreements to fragment the 
        multilateral trade system, especially those that involve several countries 
        -even from different regions- or that include commitments that transcend 
        those made within the WTO, it would seem advisable to analyze new collective 
        disciplines. These should ensure effective transparency regarding any 
        preferential measures -that could be discriminatory for those countries 
        that are not members of a particular agreement- and a periodic independent 
        technical assessment of their effects on trade and investment flows originating 
        in third countries and on the cohesiveness of the multilateral system 
        of global trade. These are suggested initiatives to be added to those issues being considered 
        in order to address the hypothesis of a prolonged stagnation of the Doha 
        Round, or even of its conclusion with less ambitious outcomes than those 
        that were imagined in a global context very different from today.  They could form part of an attractive agenda of adaptations of the world 
        trading system to the requirements of the transition to a new world economic 
        order. This agenda could also include, aside from those already mentioned, 
        other adaptations related with the facilitation of trade, the different 
        forms of plurilateral and/or sector agreements, and aid for trade. In a first stage, it would be convenient for the possible derivations 
        of this agenda to be analyzed and debated in multidisciplinary and multi-stakeholder 
        forums. Only in a second stage, those ideas that were deemed most appropriate 
        and most likely to achieve the necessary consensus, would reach the sphere 
        of intergovernmental debate. |  
   
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    | Félix Peña Director 
        of the Institute of International Trade at the ICBC Foundation. Director 
        of the Masters Degree in International Trade Relations at Tres de Febrero 
        National University (UNTREF). Member of the Executive Committee of the 
        Argentine Council for International Relations (CARI). Member of the Evian 
        Group Brains Trust. More 
        information. |  
 
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