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    | DIVERSITY, DINAMISM, COMPLEXITY: Three key features of the international environment of countries and businesses
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    | by Félix PeñaApril 2013
 
 English translation: Isabel Romero Carranza
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    |    | In at least three levels it would seem advisable for 
        a country and its businesses to draw operational conclusions on how to 
        navigate a world marked by multiple diversities, dynamics of continuous 
        change and notorious complexities. 
       The first level is that of the development of synergies 
        between the government, business and academic sectors (national and local) 
        to generate a flow of diagnostics on the evolution of the international 
        context in view of their common interests and of each sector, activity 
        or specific product. Helping to understand the events and trends in the 
        external environment of a country and its businesses would enable to maximize 
        the installed capacity of the academic sector, establishing for that purpose 
        close cooperation modalities with the public, productive and trade sectors. 
        
       A second level is that of joint action strategies 
        with other countries or companies within the region or at a global scale. 
        This may require innovative and sometimes unorthodox approaches -taking 
        advantage for example of the embedded flexibilities within the existing 
        global and regional institutional frameworks, as well as in their respective 
        ground rules - both to address international trade negotiations and to 
        ensure the effective development of productive integration schemes through 
        multiple variants of transnational value chains. 
       The third level is that of the national strategy for 
        international economic integration to help articulate the interests of 
        the social sectors and generate agreements with other nations and regions, 
        which are both flexible and predictable and have an actual impact on productive 
        investments, and on the ability to project to the world what a country 
        has to offer in terms of goods and services that are attractive for other 
        countries.
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    |  International trade negotiations among a group of countries that, due 
        to their economic dimension, are relevant players in global economic competition 
        if concluded successfully -and this is not always the case as demonstrated 
        by the experience of the FTAA and perhaps also the attempted strategic 
        partnership between the EU and Mercosur- can have a strong impact on the 
        design of the map of international trade and perhaps also in the map of 
        world power.  This is the reason why they need to be followed closely by other countries 
        and companies with active integration in world markets, even while not 
        directly involved in a specific negotiation. This is so because it is 
        a known fact that the design of the ground rules of the global trade of 
        tomorrow defines who the winners and losers are, with all the political 
        implications this entails when competing for access or the presence in 
        those markets that are the most attractive. And since it is also a fact 
        that in an era of proliferating global value chains the trade of tomorrow 
        begins with the productive investments of today, the effects of the international 
        trade negotiations in progress on a country and its businesses, even when 
        not participating directly in them, can be noticed in the very short term. As was noted in the March edition of this Newsletter, the above considerations 
        become ever more relevant today due to two concurrent facts: on the one 
        hand, the relative stagnation that dominates the front of multilateral 
        trade negotiations within the WTO and, on the other hand, the size of 
        the economies involved in the current negotiations of mega interregional 
        preferential trade agreements, such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) 
        and the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TATIP), or agreements 
        that are being promoted by the countries of the Asia-Pacific region -the 
        Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RECEP)- and the EU itself, 
        especially with India, Canada and Japan. Both events evoke conflicting 
        diagnoses. In some cases these focus on the need to preserve and even 
        strengthen the multilateral trading system of the WTO. In others, on the 
        contrary, they lead to recommend a new organization with participation 
        limited to a restricted group of countries, a hypothetical WTO 2.0 as 
        stated by Richard Baldwin in his article, included in the Recommended 
        Reading Section of this Newsletter.  On the side of the WTO, until now there are no promising prospects with 
        regards to the results to be expected from the Ministerial Conference, 
        to be held in Bali in December of this year, either in its three priority 
        issues (trade facilitation, agriculture and issues related to developing 
        and least developed countries) or in relation to what is already known 
        as the "post-Bali agenda", which would involve definitions on 
        the future of the Doha Round. In his latest speech at the informal meeting 
        of the Trade Negotiations Committee of the WTO, the Director General Pascal 
        Lamy warned of the difficulties in the development of the preparatory 
        work for the next ministerial meeting. This warning concluded with references 
        to the credibility of the multilateral trading system (see http://wto.org/) 
        and can be linked with his allusions to the risks of a rising protectionism 
        that could be promoted by the more pessimistic perceptions about the evolution 
        of world economy and of global trade. Even when, according to the latest 
        data published by the WTO, world trade is expected to grow this year more 
        than last year (3.3% instead of 2%), it is still below the average growth 
        rate of 6% of the period 1990-2008, prior to the current international 
        crisis. (See the press report at http://wto.org/). 
       On the side of the mega interregional trade agreements currently under 
        negotiation, what is important to note is the fact that a process has 
        started that can conclude with the incorporation of Japan to the TTP and 
        eventually also Korea, the Philippines and Thailand. Expanding the number 
        of countries and the diversity of situations and interests at stake may 
        nevertheless accentuate the doubts regarding the possibility of effectively 
        reaching the deadline to conclude the negotiations, still set for October 
        of this year. The other front where, at the time of writing this Newsletter, 
        the negotiation of the corresponding preferential trade agreement was 
        expected to conclude before the end of April is that of the EU and India. 
        However, difficulties persisted in some of the sectors that are precisely 
        the most sensitive in the majority of the trade agreements currently under 
        negotiation, especially the automotive, agriculture, intellectual property 
        and government procurement. Understanding the evolution of the various fronts of international trade 
        negotiations implies, moreover, to be able to interpret the major trends 
        that are affecting the definition of the new map of global power and even 
        of the different regions. In order to do this we must acknowledge that, 
        as noted by Pascal Lamy himself in one of his recent presentations (http://wto.org/) 
        -true masterly lectures on global trade and the forces that influence 
        its current evolution- geopolitics has returned to the international trade 
        negotiating table. On the same note, Zaki Laidi (see his article published 
        in the Financial Times listed in the Recommended Reading section of this 
        Newsletter) has referred to the fact that these negotiations of interregional 
        preferential trade mega-agreements highlight the fact that power politics 
        has come back to influence the strategies of the major players in world 
        trade. Perhaps this was always the case. But until recently there was 
        a tendency to consider that economic factors were what really mattered, 
        sometimes nuanced in certain analysis by the influence that the political 
        factors could have on them. But it was only a nuance, given that the political 
        was not viewed by many analysts as the central aspect.  If we attempt to diagnose the possible -and uncertain- evolution of the 
        current international scenario in the perspective of the future of global 
        trade and the main fronts of multilateral and preferential trade negotiations, 
        three features seem relevant. The first is the diversity of actors. Today 
        there are many countries with the capacity to have a significant impact 
        at international level. Some of them -for example China and India- have 
        centuries of accumulated experiences. Understanding the multiple options 
        they have in their respective international insertion strategies and, 
        in particular, the cultural differences and perceptions of their interests 
        and values is now something of increasing importance. The second feature 
        is the strong dynamics of change. Being able to grasp in a timely manner 
        those events loaded with future implications and the major trends that 
        are manifesting in the international arena is also something necessary, 
        difficult and relevant for each country and their businesses. The third 
        feature is complexity. It implies the ability to take on the existing 
        differences and to resist any tendency to simplify reality. The least 
        advisable in order to understand the world of today and its future development 
        would be to pretend that what is happening is only similar to what has 
        been happening since, for example, the creation of GATT or even the WTO. In at least three levels it would seem advisable for a country and its 
        businesses to draw operational conclusions on how to navigate a world 
        marked by multiple diversities, dynamics of continuous change and notorious 
        complexities.  The first is the development of synergies between the government, business 
        and academic sectors (national and local) for a continuous assessment 
        of the evolution of the international context in view of their common 
        interests and of each sector, activity or specific product. This in particular 
        makes it more necessary to fully harness the diagnostic capabilities that 
        may be developed in academic institutions, provided that they interact 
        closely with government institutions and production sectors. Understanding 
        the international context and its evolution within each concrete perspective, 
        is then a key requirement for a successful integration of countries and 
        businesses in the world of today and of the future.  A second level is that of joint action strategies with other countries 
        and with other companies within the same region and at global scale. This 
        involves innovative and sometimes unorthodox approaches -for example taking 
        advantage of the embedded flexibilities of the existing institutional 
        frameworks and ground rules- both to address international trade negotiations 
        and to ensure an effective development of productive integration schemes 
        across the multiple variants of transnational value chains. Both the development 
        of Mercosur as its negotiations with the EU would require a strong capacity 
        for innovation that would enable, additionally, to capitalize on the experiences 
        and assets accumulated since they were initially outlined. A careful rereading 
        of the Framework Agreement signed in Madrid, in 1995 and still in effect 
        (see the text with the Future Developments Clause in Article 23 at http://eur-lex.europa.eu/), 
        is recommended when rethinking the future of the bi-regional negotiations 
        that have yet to be concluded. A thorough reading may find more potential 
        than the one that has been tapped to date. It would also avoid resorting 
        to bi-lateral options with the EU through different forms of agreements 
        that, even when not including tariff preferences, could significantly 
        affect the idea of integration that Mercosur still represents despite 
        all its limitations and shortcomings. In this case, the effects on the 
        integration in the south of America would be the opposite of what the 
        European side apparently sought when the idea of a bi-regional partnership 
        was originally raised.  And the third level is that of a national strategy for the international 
        economic integration that, while articulating the interests of all the 
        sectors of society, leads to generate viable agreements with other nations 
        and regions which are both flexible and predictable. This would help aspire 
        to have an actual impact on productive investment and on the ability to 
        project to the world what the country can offer in terms of goods and 
        services that are attractive for other countries.  |  
   
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    | Félix Peña Director 
        of the Institute of International Trade at the ICBC Foundation. Director 
        of the Masters Degree in International Trade Relations at Tres de Febrero 
        National University (UNTREF). Member of the Executive Committee of the 
        Argentine Council for International Relations (CARI). Member of the Evian 
        Group Brains Trust. More 
        information. |  
 
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